The strike is quite clearly a sacred cow subject on here. The reaction of people like Brin amply demonstrates that.
You are incorrect when you assert that there had been a national ballot some months previously. National strike ballots had been held in January 1982, October 1982 and February 1983 and had been defeated on each occasion. At a meeting to discuss proposals for a national ballot on 12th April 1984, that proposal was rejected by the NUM National Executive, with some of those who had spoken in favour of a ballot being attacked as they left the meeting:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/d...00/2843003.stm
That the strike had been called in breach of UK employment law and the NUM’s own constitution was established time and time again in court, notably in Taylor v NUM and Foulstone v NUM (Yorkshire Area). In that latter case, the NUM unsuccessfully argued that a ballot held in Yorkshire in 1981 met the requirements of the NUM constitution. Those were both cases in which working people had to take their own union to court to assert their rights under the union’s constitution.
The Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire Areas both voted against strike action in area ballots. In other words, working people exercised their democratic rights enshrined in the constitution of the union which their subs funded. Of course, the NUM leadership rode roughshod over that and let loose the flying pickets.
I’m not here to defend police violence, but I don’t think supporters of the strike can take any moral advantage from its existence. Picketing miners regularly resorted to intimidation, up to and including violence, to seek to assert their will over other working people who had made a different decision to them. It is said that up to 7000 pickets turned up at Orgreave on occasion. That wasn’t an attempt at peaceful picketing and persuasion. There were people there on boths sides looking for a rumble and a rumble is what is happened.
It’s strange that when supports of the strike complain about the violence meted out in it towards them, they never acknowledge that which came from their ‘side’. They certainly never mention David Wilkie a working man killed for doing his job:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/d...00/2512469.stm
I think ideological hatred an apt description. I’m surprised that you don’t too given your concession that it was ‘an historic thing where if you're a socialist with socialist beliefs, then you're going to be opposed vehemently to tory party policies. Is there a better definition of ideological hatred? It certainly fills the bill as far as I’m concerned.
Yes, we still import coal and the constant failure of the UK coal industry to compete with those imports rather makes the point that coal mining in this country had become uneconomic.
I agree that there needed to be planning for the demise of the UK coal industry, but you underestimate the power of government, particularly when it comes to job creation. In addition, I think that, once again, supporters of the strike can take little moral advantage from any failure of government on that score. It was the repeatedly stated aim of the NUM that there should be no closure of mines on economic grounds. It follows that when the government decided to do just, the primary thrust of their planning was always going to be how to defeat the inevitable strike and avoid the attempt by the NUM to wreak economic damage in support of its aim. You don’t like the tag economic vandalism. I think it accurate. Witness one of the guidelines issued by the NUM to areas during the strike:
There shall be no movement of coal or coal products into or out of the country nor internally within the country unless by prior agreement with the [Union] . In other words, as well as trying to dictate to working people, the NUM was also seeking to dictate to the country.
As I have said before, had the NUM taken a different path and spoken with the government rather than trying it to bring it down, then perhaps there could have been a softer landing for the industry and more focus upon the aftermath of closures. Instead, it chose an outright, ideologically driven, last-man-standing fight and lost, thus giving up any possibility of influencing what followed.
The TU movement has achieved many great things for working people in terms of better pay and conditions and safer working practices, but the NUM of the 1980s bore no resemblance to that movement at its best. It had become an organisation that was willing to ride roughshod over the law, its own constitution and, most importantly any of its own members who disagreed with the diktats of the National Executive. It had become an organisation that thought it had the right to disregard the choices that ordinary working people made and to, at the very least, turn a blind eye to the intimidation and violence meted out to those who chose to work. I think Thatcher was wrong to brand miners as ‘the enemy within’, but it’s a title that seems to fit for the NUM


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